Autor: Judith Reisman Fuente: Accuracy in Academia

Kinsey  "The sexual revolution was based on a lie. Judith Reisman has spent thirty years uncovering the truth."

--National Review, May 19, 1997

"Dr. Reisman's Kinsey: Crime & Consequences, is 'must reading' for every American who wants to understand the 'demoralization' of our nation. She is a scholar of international renown who brings courage, integrity, tenacity and profound insight to her world-class research and writing, sorely needed in America where powerful special interests often distort the truth for financial gain or unconstitutional political ends."

--Admiral Thomas Moorer, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

'Professor Sex' Flunks Scrutiny Test

What motivates social revolutionaries? Do they selflessly long for an elevation of society onto a higher plane or is it their selfish design to bring the world down to their own degraded level?

Jean Jacques Rousseau was incapable of holding a job and lived off women his entire life. He spawned five children, not one of which he named, all of which he abandoned for almost certain death at an asylum. A sexual pervert, he enjoyed physical punishment and exposing himself to women. Should it at all surprise us then that he advocated a philosophy of sexual anarchy, state ownership of children, and the subsidization of those unwilling to work?

Paul Johnson reminds us that so far as we know, "Marx never set foot in a mill, factory, mine, or other industrial workplace in the whole of his life." His war against free enterprise stemmed not from solidarity with the working classes, but from his constant debts, unemployment, and inability to support his family. His mother complained, "Karl should accumulate capital instead of just writing about it."

More recently, apostles of the drug culture—John Lennon, Timothy Leary, Abbie Hoffman—have preached what they practiced. It was only after these men became drug addicts that they also became apologists for substance abuse.

One such revolutionary whose public pronouncements derived from his private personality is profiled in two new books— James Jones’ Alfred C. Kinsey: A PublicPrivate Life and Judith Reisman’s Kinsey: Crimes and Consequences. Before "the Pill," Stonewall, or Roe v. Wade, there were Sexual Behavior in the Human Male and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female.

Claiming that roughly half of all men and a quarter of women cheated on their spouses, between 10 and 37% of adult males were homosexual, and children were sexual from infancy, Professor Kinsey’s two "reports" transformed American culture, law, medicine, and education. At mid-century, Kinsey’s fame rivaled the likes of Truman, DiMaggio, and MacArthur. Kinsey’s work, his academic courtiers informed Americans, was comparable to Darwin’s or Galileo’s.

Jones describes the Indiana University professor as a "secular evangelist," "a scolding preacher rather than a scientist," and a "covert revolutionary" who "used science to lay siege to middle class morality." Kinsey, explains Jones, engaged in "a public crusade for private reasons."

Those "private reasons" included a bizarre sex-life that involved wife-swapping, homosexual group-sex, an extreme masochism that helped destroy his health, and, perhaps, pedophilia. At every turn these "private reasons"—perversity and a need for dominance over others—permeated his "scientific" work.

Kinsey utilized a bizarre litmus test for prospective employees at his Institute for Sex Research at IU, and almost without fail, hired those with sexual histories falling well outside the mainstream. The ordeal of one institute employee who didn’t pass the litmus test is detailed in Jones’ biography. After showing squeamishness toward the behavior of one sexual case history, Vincent Nowlis was cornered in a hotel room by Kinsey and his co-authors, Wardell Pomeroy and Clyde Martin. "As near as Nowlis could tell, his boss was offering to provide ‘seductive instruction’ that would involve ‘learning plus pleasure,’" Jones explains. As Nowlis told Jones, the IU professor’s advances "obviously would involve some kind of sexual activity on my part." Nowlis continued, "I didn’t see my wife or any desirable partners, shall we say, around, and I wasn’t interested." The sexual harassment forced Nowlis to announce his resignation the very next day.

Kinsey’s fellow researchers also served as his sex partners. Their zeal for sex played a role in leading their research to focus on people who deviated from societal standards—pimps, prostitutes, homosexuals, imprisoned sex offenders, etc.—and away from those who conformed. Kinsey’s "methodology and sampling technique virtually guaranteed that he would find what he was looking for," confesses Jones.

Kinsey’s perversion was often self-destructive. For most of his life, he masturbated with a "toothbrush" inserted in his urethra. At one point, Jones conveys, Kinsey crawled into a bathtub and "circumcised himself without the benefit of amnesia." Perhaps most disturbing of Jones’ revelations is an incident that happened during the college professor’s final years. Jones explains, "he tied a strong, tight knot around his scrotum with one end of the rope dangling from the pipe overhead. The other end he wrapped around his hand. Then, he climbed up on a chair, and jumped off, suspending himself in midair." The self-inflicted torture would hospitalize him for weeks and, ironically, may have contributed to the untimely death of this champion of "sexual freedom" two years later.

While Jones’ work masterfully captures Kinsey’s personal life, Reisman’s Kinsey: Crimes and Consequences focuses on how he was able to "cook the books" in his surveys.

Although the total number of men used for the Male volume is in dispute (estimates range from 4,100 to 6,300), 1,400 members of the sample group were prison inmates. For Kinsey and his fellow researchers, basing their survey on the inhabitants of an environment that is a notorious breeding ground for perversion was still not enough to skew the data to their satisfaction. By developing key contacts in the urban gay subcultures of Chicago, New York, St. Louis and other big cities, Kinsey was able to interview hundreds of homosexuals, procuring sexual liaisons for himself while simultaneously weighting his study toward his pre-drawn conclusions.

Reisman demonstrates that this same kind of statistical trickery is pervasive throughout the Female volume. Prostitutes, for instance, were reclassified as "married women" to portray American wives as more promiscuous than they really were.

Kinsey’s need for control manifested itself in his demands to know the sexual case histories of all his workers and their families. He regulated the sexual behavior of those on his staff and demanded access to them, and occasionally, their wives. So great was his dominance that Pomeroy and Martin felt compelled to ask his permission to engage in extra-marital affairs. Kinsey, "like other notorious cult leaders," Reisman quite appropriately states, expected "total obedience from his staff."

The keystone of Reisman’s work, however, continues to be Kinsey’s role in the abuse of hundreds of children. Attempting to prove that humans are sexual from birth, Kinsey collected data on at least 324 (and perhaps as many as 2,000) children. Infants, as young as two months old, said Kinsey, achieve "orgasm" after being stimulated from "partners." Symptoms of sexual climax for young children, claimed Kinsey, often included "sobbing," "violent cries," "loss of color," and an "abundance of tears."

How Kinsey obtained his data on children is a point of contention. Kinsey claimed it was the work of one scientifically inclined pedophile. Paul Gebhard, a co-author of the Female volume and a later director of the Kinsey Institute, admits that several pedophiles contributed to the data. Still another Kinsey Institute official denies any involvement with sexual predators.

Was Kinsey himself a pedophile?

Jones and Reisman are split on this question. Jones, a former employee of the Kinsey Institute and a grant recipient from the same Rockefeller Foundation that funded Kinsey, is often overly protective of his subject. For Reisman, it is the height of irresponsibility not to explore Kinsey’s direct role in child abuse.

It is quite possible that Kinsey—who privately condoned child-adult sexual encounters and was a longtime counselor for such groups as the Boy Scouts and the YMCA—was a prime "observer" and source of information. While it is important to know "Who trained the observers?," Reisman also asks the more important question: "Where are the children today?"

Like Rousseau, Marx, and others, Kinsey was motivated by a desire to legitimize his own lifestyle. And like these "elites," Kinsey and his work have been exposed as a fraud.

-- Daniel J. Flynn
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